Htet Myat | Captain, No. 21 Operations Command Headquarters | ယခုဆောင်းပါးကို မြန်မာဘာသာဖြင့် ဖတ်ရှုရန် ဤနေရာတွင် နှိပ်ပါ

Cite as: 
Htet Myat. (2025). Indoctrination: A Potent Weapon. Independent Journal of Burmese Scholarship, 5. https://ijbs.online/?page_id=5276

Abstract

This article lists eight kinds of indoctrination that military leaders and authorities push on currently serving soldiers as well as civilians outside the Myanmar military. These forms of indoctrination are emotional, political, and/or nationalist in orientation. By identifying indoctrination in all its forms, the people of Myanmar can overcome its effects. The Spring Revolution will only be victorious if we work against military propaganda in a systematic and organized manner with the support of the public.

Indoctrination by the Dictator

Indoctrination can be considered a form of deception, in that the truth is being hidden. An indoctrinated person can be terrifying as they lose their ability to think critically and distinguish between right and wrong. They act in accordance with beliefs only inculcated through indoctrination, which makes them even more frightening than if they were psychotic or insane. It is unimaginably awful if such an indoctrinated individual is also a soldier bearing arms, as is the case with many in Myanmar. The military has been transformed into a terrorist army controlled by a dictator who illegally seized power on 1 February 2021.

It is news to nobody that Myanmar’s successive dictators have used various forms of indoctrination to manipulate military soldiers over decades. Not only do dictators indoctrinate soldiers, but they also indoctrinate the public, solely for their own benefit. The result of this is that millions of people follow the policies and rules of military leaders and dictators, without understanding the real objectives behind them. Military leaders have used many forms of indoctrination, but in this article, I will particularly focus on the military’s indoctrination of soldiers across three interrelated topic areas: emotional indoctrination, which depicts the military as a patron and benefactor; political indoctrination, which encourages distrust in civilian politicians such as those in the National League for Democracy (NLD); and nationalist indoctrination, which promotes hatred of foreigners and frames non-Bama people as terrorists. These are the military’s main doctrines.

Indoctrination: The Military as the Provider

Public taxes are used to support soldiers’ salaries, rations, and other necessities: this is true in almost any nation state, and our own is no exception. However, through various methods, military leaders have indoctrinated soldiers in Myanmar to falsely believe that it is solely the military—and not the tax-paying public—that generates these provisions. Many in the military have now come to believe this.

There are several policies which have been established to ensure the wellbeing of soldiers, their spouses, and family members. These include provisions for food, salary, military uniforms, and accessories: everything from socks to hats is provided by the military. Unfortunately, some soldiers do not receive their full entitlements due to corruption and exploitation at various levels. Some soldiers are ignorant of what support they are entitled to in the military because of their lack of education. But there are also many who choose to remain silent despite being aware of what is happening. Many soldiers appreciate any supplies provided to them, as their salaries are very low. Receiving any supplies at all in this context of scarcity, where survival would be difficult without such provisions, makes them think the military is their benefactor. In such situations, the military began using a phrase: “We, the military, are providing for you. Don’t be ungrateful to the military.” They spread this propaganda all the while simply utilizing taxpayer funds. In awful consequence, soldiers’ families began to mistakenly believe that the military is their benefactor and saw their true benefactors—the tax-paying public—as enemies, even killing them. Soldiers and their families come to worship dictators who merely disburse public, taxpayer funds to them, while corruptly skimming off the top.

Indoctrination: The NLD Will Destroy the Country

When the NLD formed government after the 2015 election, they were successful to an extent at addressing corruption, at least more than previous military regimes. I use the phrase “to an extent” because the new government could not prosecute every corrupt individual—if the NLD government had taken stronger action against corruption, it is likely that the military would have staged a coup as early as 2016. The NLD government, which was the people’s new government, tried to act against corruption and injustices committed under previous military regimes within the legal framework. They were able to return money stolen through corruption to people in Magway and Ayeyarwady regions in installments, and they were also able to return some land plots that had been confiscated by the military to their original owners.

The actions of the new government frightened and shocked both the old and new dictators, as well as cronies who cooperated with them. They were afraid because they had evaded business taxes, participated in corruption and bribery, and illegally confiscated farmlands and buildings belonging to the people. As the elected government worked to counteract these activities, corrupt people began to resent the NLD government for fear of losing their gains, authority, and power. They subsequently attempted to overthrow the NLD government in different ways, including using various forms of propaganda to create misconceptions, reduce popular support, and prevent the NLD from being re-elected to another term.

The military’s Union Solidarity and Development Party also conducted election campaigns motivated by the fear of losing authority and wealth, employing various underhand tactics. Propaganda was utilized to try and diminish support for the NLD from the public and soldiers. Military leaders visited troops and spread propaganda, while higher departments issued orders with false information. Propaganda included claiming that the NLD government would destroy the country and facilitate domination by non-Buddhists spreading unwanted Western culture. The military accused Aung San Suu Kyi of being a foreigner who does not care about the development of the people, alleging the NLD was leading the country towards ruin, inviting Muslims to become Myanmar citizens, and inevitably leading the nation to destruction.

Despite this propaganda, the NLD government still won landslide victories in 2015 and 2020. The military, fearing the prospect of losing more power, then staged a coup d’état in 2021 under the pretext of electoral fraud. Soldiers like me who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are well aware of the deceit of the military regime regarding the 2020 election fraud allegations. Some soldiers still in active service may also be aware of this deceit, but it is more common for them only to learn about it once they leave from other CDM soldiers.

The military employed various fraudulent tactics to try and win the 2020 election in particular: these include placing education staff who have close military ties at polling stations; creating fake voter registration lists for absent soldiers and having other soldiers vote on their behalf; allowing soldiers to cast multiple votes; limiting soldiers to advance voting despite claims that they could vote freely; and forcing transferred soldiers to vote at both their old and new duty stations. Soldiers were instructed, “Don’t even look at the red color, just stamp the green one,” when the ballot paper system was being explained to them. The military also threatened soldiers with punishment if they voted for the NLD. In one instance, a soldier from a supply and transport battalion was beaten and detained because he voted for the NLD and convinced 20 others to do the same. If you cast an NLD vote, there were direct punishments like the aforementioned as well as indirect (but equally cruel) ones.

Indoctrination: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Related to the military doctrine that the NLD is destroying the country, the party’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (Daw Suu) has long been the subject of military propaganda aimed at discrediting her as a political force, such as the claim that she no longer belongs to the nation as she married a foreigner and lived abroad for several years. The military argues that she cannot contest elections or become head of state due to her foreign ties, and they have employed various tactics to prevent her from assuming leadership roles, including putting her under house arrest for years.

The military has also tried to propagate the idea that Daw Suu’s popularity and the respect given to her by the public are solely because of the fact that her father was General Aung San and that she lacks any unique capabilities apart from being a good speaker. They have also claimed that a woman cannot lead the country. They have attempted to portray her as a woman with no exceptional leadership qualities, and even used ageist remarks to describe her, with some military leaders referring to her as an “old woman.” I have personally witnessed a tactical operation commander derogatorily referring to the State Counselor as “this granny” or “this old woman.”

After the 2021 military coup, another wave of propaganda about Daw Suu was spread within the military community. It included the false claim that her younger son had been sentenced to life imprisonment for drug abuse, and the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had leveraged this predicament to somehow replace Daw Suu with a woman named Daw Asiya from a market in Mongmit town. This doppelganger was supposedly trained by the CIA to imitate Daw Suu’s voice, face, and behaviors. The military’s fantasy included the claim that Daw Suu was already dead and this had been covered up. Fake photographs were used to support this and other claims, including that Daw Suu’s supposed imposter replacement was a Muslim with Japanese citizenship. Many people in the military community believe some or all this propaganda.

After the most cursory of fact-checks, it is clear this nonsense from the military is false. The son in question, Kim Aris, is a British national, while the CIA is an intelligence agency of the United States, so even if he were in prison on drug charges it is unclear how the CIA could be involved. Furthermore, scanned documents and photographs distributed as evidence of the conspiracy on social media were obviously digitally edited. One fake image shows Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s name on a flight ticket for a direct flight from Yangon to London, a route which does not exist on any airline.

The military leadership also spread false information regarding former President U Htin Kyaw’s resignation in 2018. It claimed that President U Htin Kyaw was the first to notice the fake Daw Suu since he worked with her closely. The propaganda suggested that he resigned to avoid responsibility after noticing her unusual behavior. In contrast, Daw Su Su Lwin, the wife of President U Htin Kyaw, stated outright that he resigned due to a health condition. It is clear that the military was trying to create misunderstandings about Daw Suu and reduce support for both her and the NLD party among the people and soldiers.

In reality, the NLD government under the leadership of Daw Suu was trying to establish a federal democracy, rather than seeking to hold onto power as an end itself. Unfortunately, many soldiers have been subject to the military’s indoctrination and still may not be aware of this fact.

Indoctrination: Ethnic Resistance Organizations

The military’s indoctrination regarding ethnicity is well-known. During my time in the service prior to joining the CDM, I too was subjected to this indoctrination, which essentially just promoted racism. We were taught to view ethnic resistance organizations (EROs) such as those promoting the causes of Kachin, Kayin, Rakhine, and Shan people as enemies; the military labeled them terrorist groups. The curriculum in the military training schools aimed to foster misconceptions about EROs, teaching us that organizations such as the Karen National Union and the Kachin Independence Organization were responsible for destructive activities.

I too held misconceptions and wrong beliefs because of this indoctrination. I believed that civilians living in villages on the front lines were terrorists. Many soldiers still hold these beliefs. Additionally, soldiers are told that they suffer at the front line because of the destructive activities carried out by EROs. This propaganda has led soldiers to hate and resent non-Bama ethnic groups for supposedly causing their suffering, instead of realizing that it is the military dictators who are failing them, even though they are in fact capable of addressing soldiers’ needs. Consequently, soldiers stationed on the front lines have developed hatred for local ethnic villagers and callously persecute them.

Soldiers stationed on the front lines engage in bullying, torture, murder, arson, and rape of women as they consider them members of terrorist armed groups. They also kill and consume others’ livestock without restraint, and indiscriminately open fire at anything they come across. They destroy and set ablaze crops and warehouses as well. The light infantry divisions (LIDs) 11 and 77 are infamous for their brutality, with reports of soldiers killing children by putting them in rice mills. Although soldiers always deny allegations of rape, the case of two Kachin teachers provides evidence to the contrary and highlights the gap between LID soldiers’ words and actions.¹

The military’s propaganda about the threat posed by non-Bama ethnic groups has been effective. Some soldiers are interested in joining the CDM, but they do not want to go to ERO territory because they are scared they might be killed there. Anti-minority propaganda has influenced soldiers in the Myanmar military for many years, and even after the 2021 military coup, it continues to have an impact. Before joining the CDM, I too had concerns about going to ERO territory. However, I previously lived closely with EROs on the front lines as a young officer and saw the benefits of maintaining relationships with EROs firsthand, so I decided to trust them. I realized that my decision was the right one when I arrived in an area controlled by an ERO. They picked me up in a car and offered me full protection, comforting me and assuring me that I did not need to worry as I was already at their place and safe there. They tried their best to ensure that I had proper food and living arrangements. They treated me as a special guest by allowing me to stay in their homes when I had nowhere else to go.

After experiencing how they treated me, I regretted perceiving them as enemies in the past, even if it was only because of military indoctrination. I realized that we who had served the military for most of our lives were only having our families harmed by them, whereas the EROs that we had deemed our enemies could actually provide us with the best protection.

Moreover, as the CDM movement gained momentum among government staff from various departments after the coup, more soldiers and police officers joined it. The military responded by releasing more propaganda to prevent the spread of CDM and further losses to the military’s power. The propaganda alleged that EROs kill soldiers who join the CDM. In the case of a CDM soldier who died while fighting against serving military personnel, the military used a fake video to spread propaganda that the soldier was ordered to kill other military soldiers because ethnic groups did not trust him—in other words, the military said that the EROs executed the CDM soldier by forcing him to fight against the military on the front lines. The military warned soldiers that if they joined the CDM, they too would face such a tragic end.

Indoctrination: Only the Military Can Protect and Preserve Race and Religion

The Buddhist religion is venerated and almost untouchable in Myanmar. Knowing this, the terrorist military has used it as a potent weapon to maintain their power. The majority of people are devoted to monks and highly respect and follow their teachings. Some people who defy the soldiers and police would bow down and obey if monks ordered them to do so. The military took advantage of this by approaching popular monks and offering them titles, donations, and new buildings. In return, these monks then speak highly of military leaders and their good deeds during sermons. As some Myanmar Buddhists blindly believe in whatever respected monks say, they are led down the wrong path.

The military claims that they are the only ones protecting and preserving Buddhism. Many soldiers in the military believe this propaganda. However, the military’s treatment of monks during the Saffron Revolution in 2007 clearly revealed the stark difference between their words and actions. Although I was not involved in the uprising, I heard stories from soldiers of my primary battalion—Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 703 under the Number 4 Military Operations Command—who were assigned to suppress it. During the Saffron Revolution, my battalion was ordered to raid the Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery, where many soldiers arrested and tortured monks. They also looted and stole valuable assets and money from the monastery. I was shocked when soldiers joyfully recounted their actions to me.

After the raid, the military used various propaganda tactics to discredit the monks. They made claims that there were women in the monastery, who screamed out of fear and ran away over the brick fence during the raid; the military also claimed that women’s belongings were found under the monastery. They also alleged that both robes and civilian clothing were found in the boxes of the monks and accused the monks of breaking their precepts by being with women and being fake monks.

The 2007 Saffron Revolution resulted in the deaths of 40 monks and 60 civilians as the military cracked down on people who they accused of inciting riots. At least 100 people were detained, a number released by the military only because they could not cover up what happened, with the real number undoubtedly higher than this. This demonstrates that while the military may flatter and use monks to maintain their power, they are willing to do anything against monks to preserve that power. The military’s claims to be the sole protectors and preservers of race and religion are false deceptions aimed to solely to indoctrinate.

Indoctrination: You Can Rely Only on Yourself

In response to outreach from growing numbers of CDM participants, some reluctant soldiers and public servants maintained that they had to rely on themselves to survive and no one would support them if they were to abandon their livelihoods. However, the CDM grew and the military’s administrative system began to collapse. In an attempt to exercise control, the military turned to increasing the prices of food, basic goods, and fuel, as well as hobbling the banking system. They used guns to intimidate and create fear among the people and tried to incite enmity between the soldiers and the people as well as division among the wider population. As a result, people’s lives became increasingly difficult and they had to focus on the survival of their families over revolution. People began to focus only on surviving and thought they had to work in order to do so. CDM staff felt pressured to sign pledges and return to work. The military successfully spread propaganda that people could only feed themselves by working and that no one would come to their aid if they suffered. They also claimed that the military forgave the mistakes of CDM staff and would help them out of great generosity. This propaganda was highly effective, leading many CDM staff to resume their work and allowing the military administration to continue. Many who had planned to join the CDM also reconsidered.

In other countries, people are able to fully enjoy the benefits of their hard work, but in Myanmar, despite people’s enormous efforts, the benefits are limited. Even so, and in the context of a viable CDM, many are unable to overcome the military’s propaganda.

Indoctrination: Soldiers Should Sacrifice for the Country and the People

Soldiers at the front lines encounter numerous challenges, especially those in remote and inaccessible areas. They face hardships including scarcity of food and other challenging living conditions. The military spreads propaganda promoting the false belief that soldiers must be able to endure hardship and hunger as their work is noble and honorable and they are protecting the country and the people.

This propaganda is untrue if we consider the actual condition of the military. Myanmar’s military leaders are among the country’s wealthiest individuals, and they have the means to significantly improve the lives of soldiers if they were willing. However, instead of improving the welfare of their soldiers, they promote false beliefs that soldiers must endure difficult living conditions for the country and the people.

For instance, it is well-known that soldiers are required to carry rattan baskets when they go to the front line. Some argue that it is not appropriate for the Myanmar military, some metrics ranked 38th in the world, to have its soldiers carry baskets made of bamboo and cane. Baskets are necessary at the front line because soldiers have to carry a lot of equipment and supplies with them. In addition to weapons such as bombs, grenades, and landmines, and ammunition, soldiers also must carry rations for up to two weeks. They also need to bring blankets and mosquito nets for sleeping. Furthermore, they require cooking equipment such as pots, pans, cups, and water buckets to prepare food.

Given the amount of equipment and supplies they need to carry, the size of the rattan baskets provided by the military are insufficient—whatever their construction materials. Soldiers cannot carry any personal belongings other than a spare uniform. The military has not provided better backpacks to ease the burden on the soldiers. In addition, the military does not transport regular soldiers by helicopter, even when they have heavy loads to carry. Even though the military has the capacity to provide better support to their soldiers, it neglects them. Instead, the military indoctrinates its soldiers with the idea that they must be able to endure hunger and tolerate hardship as it is a noble thing to protect the country amidst hardship.

This idea has been exposed as false by the current Spring Revolution. Thousands of soldiers have joined the CDM after realizing the truth about such deception. In the past, the highest rank of military officer who participated in the CDM was a major. But now, even battalion commanders equivalent to the rank of lieutenant colonel have joined and stood with the people.

Indoctrination: We Are Self-reliant Thanks to the Military

Military indoctrination extends beyond soldiers themselves, also impacting soldiers’ families and their view that the military is the main provider for their life necessities. In some cases, soldiers’ families are forced to engage in agriculture and livestock farming in the name of self-sufficiency. Wives of soldiers are required to plant ten varieties of crops in front of their family dormitory and raise a certain number of chickens and pigs. The military uses this to show soldiers that they can live well because they are prepared by the military, and that they can live without worries even when people outside of the military are facing a political crisis and economic hardships. Many soldiers’ families believe in this line of propaganda, but deception underlies it. If the military genuinely cared about the welfare of soldiers’ families, they would provide much better support, rather than forcing families to be self-reliant. Military leaders prioritize the prosperity of their own families while forcing soldiers’ families to solve their own hardships with limited support.

There are welfare entitlements provided to soldiers based on their ranks, such as policies outlining how many eggs to be provided to households each week, the monetary allowance each household receives, how many diapers will be provided to pregnant wives after they give birth, and how often nutrition will be fed to preschool children of soldiers. However, these policies exist only on paper, and implementation is performative: to take photos to report to higher-ups.

The self-reliance indoctrination extends beyond household self-reliance to a kind of nationalistic self-reliance: the military promotes the idea that Myanmar does not need to rely on any other country for weapons and ammunition, and that it can produced these domestically. However, in reality, this is a deception used to divert state funds towards the generals’ own business interests. The military purchases weapons and ammunition from other countries and then delivers them to domestic defense factories to produce replicas. Staff are instructed to find ways to produce them at the lowest possible cost by using cheap low-quality materials, which results in higher quantities produced for lower than the projected price. For instance, if it costs 10 million Myanmar Kyat to purchase a weapon, they will try to produce a weapon domestically for a lower cost. When reporting their budget to the state, they overstate the cost and pocket the difference.

Soldiers and civilians in conflict zones are both affected by the self-reliance propaganda and the deceptive weapons production practices described above. As weapons and ammunition are produced at lower costs, they do not meet the standards of quality necessary for deadly weapons. Some weapons are unsafe to use and may miss their intended targets, resulting in the deaths of soldiers and local villagers. Such incidents have been observed at the Alaw Bum and Tower Taing Hill clashes. During these clashes, an artillery shell fired by LIB 320 landed on LIB 10 that was fighting in the front line, resulting in the deaths of several soldiers. Similarly, an artillery shell fired by the Bhamo-based LIB 366 landed on military columns under the Number 10 Military Operations Command, killing over 30 soldiers. Furthermore, approximately 30 soldiers under LID 88 were injured and killed by an aerial bomb dropped by the air force. Additionally, several villagers from Nwe Lan and Myo Thit villages were killed by the military’s artillery shells, and even monks were injured and killed as artillery shells landed on their monastery.

Revolution Against Indoctrination

It is obvious that the terrorist military has weaponized indoctrination. The military institution has been spreading propaganda for decades and understands its effectiveness. As the Spring Revolution continues to fight against oppression and work towards the betterment of the country and its people, it is crucial for resistance groups to understand the practices of the enemy they are dealing with. Only by recognizing indoctrination for what it is can we prepare to counter the propaganda of the military, which has long employed tricks and deceptions against the soldiers who risk their lives for it. The Spring Revolution will be victorious if we know the truth about the junta’s propaganda and work against it in a systematic and organized manner with the support of the public.

Endnotes

¹ Kachin volunteer teachers Maran Lu Ra and Tangbau Hkown Nan Tsin were found raped and murdered in their church dormitory room in Kaung Kha village, Kutkai Township, on 19 January 2015. Up to 28 soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 503 were implicated in the crime but no prosecutions occurred.